1. Anonymous said: I'm trying to continue a freedom school by myself and a few other friends (we're about 16-17) and we decided that we should take on freedom school ourselves (because the original freedom school ended) and we still wanted to continue our growth as a collective. So basically instead of having teachers, we'll be teaching the youth ourselves. But I need a little advice on how to do that or do you think it would be much to overwhelming? Do you think that would be disrespectful to continue? Thank you!

    Well, I think that is a fantastic idea, and something I think is really worthwhile.

    I would suggest starting small, something that is easy to organise and can act as a basis for future work. Maybe start with a reading group, once a week, where you read a chapter from a book or an essay on a certain topic and discuss it. Make posters or spread through ork of mouth that you are holding these groups.

    From there you can start to do things more frequently, maybe put your ideas into action by holding a small protest around an issue you care about, or forming a contingent for a larger demonstration with your own banner or something like that.

    My advice is to start small and go up. One can’t become too ambitious, pick a defined goal and go from there.

    If you want some advice on specifics, or ideas for reading groups, feel free to ask.

     

  2. Anonymous said: Why do women want equal social status when they have sexual power?

    unpretty-princess:

    amodernmanifesto:

    whut

    whut

    whut

    I just cannot

    WTF is sexual power??? And in what way do women have it??

    Apparently because we can get laid more easily than men, we have privilege. Yes I know men that actually think this. Butthurt at its finest.

    Wow.

    That just too good.

     

  3. Anonymous said: In the sense that women have power to manipulate men sexual, generally more so than men can.

    Oh

    Oooooooh I see

    Wow

    This is great.

    "women have power to manipulate men sexual". You mean that women are sexualised. And that men are taught that they should possess women’s bodies.

    Like, I just don’t see how you could have any sort of social analysis which could lay the basis for this claim.

     

  4. Anonymous said: Why do women want equal social status when they have sexual power?

    whut

    whut

    whut

    I just cannot

    WTF is sexual power??? And in what way do women have it??

     

  5. The political dynamics of contemporary South Africa are rife with contradiction. On one hand, it is among the most consistently contentious places on earth, with insurgent communities capable of mounting disruptive protest on a nearly constant basis, rooted in the poor areas of the half-dozen major cities as well as neglected and multiply-oppressed black residential areas of declining towns. On the other hand, even the best-known contemporary South African social movements, for all their sound, lack a certain measure of fury.

    I. Introduction

    In the face of the government’s embrace of neoliberal social policies since shortly after the fall of Apartheid, what are often called ‘service delivery protests’ occurring many thousands of times a year according to police statistics,[1]are at once the site of poor people’s demands for greater responsiveness to human needs in general, but are also intensely localized and self-limited in their politics. The upsurge of protest since the late 1990s invariably invokes images of the anti-Apartheid struggle and thus focuses analysis on continuities and breaks between the old anti-Apartheid mass action and the new mass action in post-apartheid society.[2] And yet, the majority of community protesters operate in close interconnection with parts of the Tripartite Alliance, composed of the African National Congress (ANC), the trade union movement represented by the Congress of South African Trades Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), and so the line between insurgencies and governing organizations is not always clear. Yet their geographic and political isolation from each other have contributed to their having little leverage over the Alliance, which notwithstanding some resistance by unions and communists, embraced neoliberal policies in the transition from anti-apartheid resistance to class-apartheid government in 1994.

    But beyond the community protests, in many respects, the problems that have faced more traditional radical social movements in South Africa are familiar to students of social movements elsewhere: of moving from movement to governing; of cooptation and shifting roles vis-à-vis the state; of the limits of localism; and of the joining of community- and workplace-based organizing to forge a strong working-class politics. These are all the subject of considerable scholarship, both within and outside of the Marxist tradition, and within and outside of South Africa.[3] We argue here, however, that in the South African context, these can be more clearly seen as symptomatic questions of a larger problematic, what we term, following Trotsky, the problem of ‘uneven and combined Marxism.’

     

  6. If it’s true that you remember the silence of your friends more than the silence of your enemies, Palestinians have an awful lot of remembering to do. Michael Brull explains.

    By now, in New Matilda at least, there have been many denunciations of the atrocities Israel is committing in Gaza.

    However, one aspect that has largely escaped critical scrutiny in Australia is the international aspect of the attack on Gaza. Specifically, Israel has had many supporters and accomplices, who also deserve critical scrutiny for their role in the slaughter.

    First, there is the case of Egypt. As is well known, in 2011, Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was overthrown in the wake of a popular uprising.

    After a brief experiment with democracy, there was a military coup in July 2013 against Egypt’s elected government.

    Whilst the new government could have effectively ended the Israeli siege on Gaza by opening its northern border at Rafah, it chose a different path.

    By September, Egypt’s systematic destruction of tunnels from Gaza had caused an estimated $250 million damage to the economy.

    By June 25 this year, the new military dictatorship of Egypt had destroyed 1736 tunnels from Gaza, preventing the export and import of goods – including health and medical supplies - from Gaza and leaving the Palestinians in an increasingly desperate state.

    During the Mubarak years, Egypt subsidized Israel with hundreds of millions of dollars every year in gas purchases – Ha’aretz reported that Israel received Egyptian gas at a 70 percent discount.

    This was, naturally, deeply unpopular in Egypt, and after the Egyptian uprising, the pipeline was repeatedly bombed until finally the government cancelled its contract with Israel.

    Once Egypt’s experiment in democracy ended, it was able to reach a new deal: in June this year, Egypt signed a $30 billion deal to buy gas from Israel.

    Unsurprisingly, Israel supported Mubarak in the face of the protests that ousted him.

     

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  10. "Since capital is always doing well somewhere, the illusion arises that all will be well everywhere if we only readjust the form of capital to that predominant in Japan and West Germany (the 1980s), the United States (the 1990s) or China (after 2000). Capital never has to address its systemic failings because it moves them around geographically."
    — 

    David Harvey, Seventeen contradictions and the End of Capitalism: Uneven Geographical Developments and the Production of Space. p154

    Emphasis mine.

    (via rosaluxmemeburg)

    (via lumpenpoet)

     
  11. scifi-fantasist:

    blacksupervillain:

    anarcho-queer:

    U.S. Democrats plan to give Israel an addition $225 million for military spending. The same bill also cuts $1 billion of emergency funds meant to deal with the 50,000 undocumented child migrants held in crowded and unsanitary border facilities.

    Israel already received $504 million for the joint U.S.-Israel Missle Defense Program for the Fiscal Year of 2014. That is not including the $3.1 Billion the Obama Administration spent on Foreign Military Financing (FMF) for Israel for the Fiscal Year 2014.

    Fuck this

    no money for water in detroit

    no money for public schools

    no money for student loan debt relief

    no money for healthcare 

    no money for crumbling infrastructure

    no money for economic investment in inner cities and indian country

    no money 

    no money 

    no money 

    no money

    (via punkswithcleankitchens)

     
  12. ragemovement:

    thatmustbewhereigetitfrom:

    rtamerica:

    US resupplying Israel with ammunition even after condemning shelling of Gaza school

    No sooner than the White House condemned the shelling of a United Nations-operated school in Gaza on Wednesday did news break that the Pentagon will supply the Israeli military with new ammunition to further their campaign on the war-ravaged city.

    That afternoon, CNN reported that the United States military will be honoring a request from Israel for assistance in the midst of their weeks-long campaign against militants from Hamas residing in Gaza City.

    and republicans complain about tax dollars being spent on things like the pill while remaining mute over this shit

    pro-life my arse

    and the democrats whole heartedly support Israel’s campaign of imperialism. It’s almost like they do the same thing for different reasons…

    anti-war my arse

    (via student-for-an-anarchist-society)

     
  13. thedemsocialist:

    This is what an Israeli “pinpoint operation” looks like

    (via student-for-an-anarchist-society)

     
  14.  

  15. "

    He is taking a course on Marxist ideology.
    He says, “The only real solution is to smash the system and start again.”
    His thumb is caressing the most bourgeois copy of the communist manifesto that I have ever seen,
    He bought it at Barnes and Noble for twenty-nine U.S. American dollars and ninety-nine cents,
    Its hard cover shows a dark man with a scarved face
    Waving a gigantic red flag against a fictional smoky background.
    The matte finish is fucking gorgeous.
    He wants to be congratulated for paying Harvard sixty thousand dollars
    To teach him that the system is unfair.
    He pulls his iPhone from his imported Marino wool jacket, and leaves.

    What people can’t possibly tell from the footage on TV
    Is that the water cannon feels like getting whipped with a burning switch.
    Where I come from, they fill it with sewer water and hope that they get you in the face with your mouth open
    So that the hepatitis will keep you in bed for the next protest.
    What you can’t tell from Harvard square,
    Is that when the tear gas bursts from nowhere to everywhere all at once,
    It scrapes your insides like barbed wire, sawing at your lungs.
    Tear gas is such a benign term for it,
    If you have never breathed it in you would think it was a nostalgic experience.
    What you can’t learn at Barnes and Noble,
    Is that when they rush you, survival is to run,
    I am never as fast as when the police are chasing me.
    I know what happens to women in the holding cells down there and yet…
    We still do it.

    I inherited my communist manifesto,
    It has no cover—
    Because my mother ripped it off when she hid it in the dust jacket of “Don Quixote”
    The day before the soldiers destroyed her apartment,
    Looking for subversive propaganda.
    She burned the cover, could not bring herself to burn the pages,
    Hoped to God the soldiers couldn’t read,
    They never found it.
    So she was not killed for it, but her body bore the scars of the torture chamber,
    For wanting her children to have a better life than she did,
    Don’t talk to me about revolution.

    I know what the price of smashing the system really is, my people already tried that.
    The price of uprise is paid in blood,
    And not Harvard blood.
    The blood that ran through the streets of Santiago,
    The blood thrown alive from Argentine helicopters into the Atlantic.

    It is easy to say “revolution” from the comfort of a New England library.

    It is easy to offer flesh to the cause,
    When it is not yours to give.

    "
    — 

    Catalina Ferro, “Manifesto” (via dialecticsof)

    I feel like people do need to remember that there is a very real, very painful, very human element to the word “revolution”.

    (via nuanced-subversion)

    (Source: sincerely-the-end, via fuckyeahwomenprotesting)